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      <title>HIP-HOP PLANET  (National Geographic, vol. 211, no. 4, April 2007, pp. 100-114)</title>
      <pubDate>Wed, 27 Jun 2007 11:35:46 +0200</pubDate>
      <link>http://www7.nationalgeographic.com/ngm/0704/feature4/index.html </link>
      <author>McBride, James</author>
      <category>U.S. SOCIETY &amp; VALUES (SV)</category>
      <description><![CDATA[“Not since the advent of swing jazz in the 1930s has an American music exploded across the world with such overwhelming force,” writes the author.  The culture of song, graffiti and dance that is collectively known as hip-hop has transformed popular music in every country that it has permeated.  France, home to a large population of North African immigrants, is the second largest hip-hop market in the world.  McBride traces the origins of hip-hop, from beat poet Amiri Baraka in the 1950s and 1960s, to the youth of the South Bronx and Harlem who came up with impromptu dance music in the 1970s – largely because the New York City public school system had drastically cut funding for the arts.  While its structure is bewildering, and lyrics that glorify violence and ostentatious luxury disturb many, McBride writes that rap music has “become a universal expression of outrage ... at its best, hip-hop lays bare the empty moral cupboard that is our generation’s legacy.  This music that once made visible the inner culture of America's greatest social problem, its legacy of slavery, has taken the dream deferred to a global scale.  Today, 2 percent of the Earth's adult population owns more than 50 percent of its household wealth, and indigenous cultures are swallowed with the rapidity of a teenager gobbling a bag of potato chips.  The drums are pounding out a warning. They are telling us something. Our children can hear it.  We'd be wise, I suppose, to start paying attention.”]]></description>
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      <title>ANY WAY YOU COULD BE, SAMMY WAS  (American Legacy, Summer 2007, pp. 64-75)</title>
      <pubDate>Wed, 27 Jun 2007 11:34:43 +0200</pubDate>
      <author>Friedwald, Will</author>
      <category>U.S. SOCIETY &amp; VALUES (SV)</category>
      <description><![CDATA[Seventeen years after his death, Sammy Davis Jr. “is more omnipresent than at any time since the mid-1960s,” when he conquered every nearly every form of entertainment: night clubs, records, television, movies and Broadway, says author Will Friedwald, jazz columnist for the New York Sun.  Davis and the rest of the Rat Pack are considered “hip all over again.”  Along with two new biographies of Davis, two documentaries and two feature films are in the works. Friedwald cites biographer Wil Haygood’s contention that Davis wanted to be white [Haygood is black], and adds that Davis “needed nothing less than total love and approval from everybody all the time.”  He traces Davis’ career from his first appearance on vaudeville at the age of three, in 1928, through his Rat Pack days.  By 1955 Davis was a superstar, but he still encountered “subtle, debilitating racism.”  His last great hit was “Mr. Bojangles” in 1972. Interestingly, an article in the June 3 New York Times by Pat H. Broeske also looks at Davis’s posthumous return to the limelight, observing that his life gives biographers and filmmakers a lot to work with: “beyond the drug problems and his love affairs [with white actresses May Britt and Kim Novak], he offers a vehicle to consider an American obsession: race.” 
<p>[To receive the full text of the article, please contact the <a href="http://www.usinfo.pl/forms/contact.htm">Warsaw Embassy AIRC</a>.]</p>
]]></description>
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      <title>THE PROLIFERATION SECURITY INITIATIVE: A GLASS HALF-FULL  (Arms Control Today, vol. 37, no. 5, June 2007, pp.17-21)</title>
      <pubDate>Wed, 27 Jun 2007 11:34:17 +0200</pubDate>
      <link>http://www.armscontrol.org/act/2007_06/Valencia.asp</link>
      <author>Valencia, Mark, J.</author>
      <category>INTERNATIONAL SECURITY (IS)</category>
      <description><![CDATA[The author says the PSI’s focus on interdiction has constrained some trade in weapons of mass destruction, their delivery systems and related material or has forced “rogue traders” to change tactics.  The initiative, with over 80 supporting nations, has evolved from maritime interdiction to port inspections and aerial interdictions, as well as coordinated efforts to disrupt financial networks that could supply this trade.  He also points to ship-boarding agreements the United States has concluded bilaterally with seven countries covering about 70 percent of the world’s commercial fleet measured by tonnage.  Valencia, a senior fellow with a Malaysian government-sponsored policy research institute, says that secrecy surrounding PSI interdictions and methods make it difficult to evaluate the effectiveness of the four-year-old initiative.  Greater transparency would help, he said, as well as bringing PSI into the United Nations system.]]></description>
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      <title>RAUL CASTRO: CONFRONTING FIDEL’S LEGACY IN CUBA  (Washington Quarterly, vol. 30, no. 3, Summer 2007, pp. 53-65)</title>
      <pubDate>Wed, 27 Jun 2007 11:33:39 +0200</pubDate>
      <author>Latell, Brian</author>
      <category>INTERNATIONAL SECURITY (IS)</category>
      <description><![CDATA[Fidel Castro’s brother Raul has been running Cuba since July 31, 2006.  Some observers have concluded that Fidel will never return to power and some see the possibility of reform. But Latell, author of AFTER FIDEL: RAUL CASTRO AND THE FUTURE OF CUBA’S REVOLUTION (2006), warns that “it is not yet clear, however, whether or not those hopes will be viciously dashed.”  Recent events show that the government is determined to maintain absolute control and its highest priority has been preserving order.  There are, however, signs that Raul may be interested in economic reform.  Latell stresses the importance of the military, which has been controlled by Raul since 1959, to the survival of the regime.  His legitimacy and appeal are probably most questioned by Cuba’s youth, who face alienation and lack of opportunity.  In spite of Venezuelan president Hugo Chavez’s support, which is critical to the viability of the Cuban economy, Latell sees Raul and Chavez more as rivals than allies.  Tensions and uncertainties seem certain to increase, and the military, more powerful than any combination of civilian leaders, will remain the crucial factor.  
<p>[To receive the full text of the article, please contact the <a href="http://www.usinfo.pl/forms/contact.htm">Warsaw Embassy AIRC</a>.]</p>]]></description>
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      <title>STRATEGY AND THE SEARCH FOR PEACE  (The Futurist, vol. 40, no. 6, November/December 2006, pp. 18-22)</title>
      <pubDate>Wed, 27 Jun 2007 11:33:10 +0200</pubDate>
      <author>Foster, Gregory D.   </author>
      <category>INTERNATIONAL SECURITY (IS)</category>
      <description><![CDATA[National Defense University professor Foster envisions a future of lasting peace and encourages strategic planners to act upon it.  There is much about the future that cannot be predicted, but it is almost certain that tomorrow’s military decision makers will have to deal with reduced response time and increased disaster potential.  It is a moral obligation of government to look ahead and plan for the future.  Foster concludes by outlining differences between the past and the present and creates strategic imperatives that should be used to deal with the future.
<p>[To receive the full text of the article, please contact the <a href="http://www.usinfo.pl/forms/contact.htm">Warsaw Embassy AIRC</a>.]</p>]]></description>
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      <title>NATO'S INTERNATIONAL SECURITY ROLE IN THE TERRORIST ERA  (International Security, Vol. 31, No. 4, Spring 2007, pp. 34-66)</title>
      <pubDate>Wed, 27 Jun 2007 11:32:24 +0200</pubDate>
      <author>De Nevers, Renee</author>
      <category>INTERNATIONAL SECURITY (IS)</category>
      <description><![CDATA[While the United States has cobbled together various coalitions in its pursuit of the war on terrorism, NATO, as a formal institution, has played a limited military role.  While contributing to defense, and mounting military missions in Afghanistan, Bosnia, and elsewhere, NATO has not come up with a consistent extra-territorial strategy against terrorism, in part due to limited military capabilities.  In addition, the U.S. strategy has shown a preference for cobbling together ad-hoc alliances quickly, rather than mobilizing the NATO as a whole.   While NATO has expanded defensive tactics in the Mediterranean, intelligence sharing tends to be bilateral.   In addition, NATO's effectiveness in the field is limited by national constraints on troop activity and a shortage of armed personnel.  The author concludes the United States is unlikely to abandon NATO, which it regards as its most valuable political alliance.    However, the success or failure of NATO forces in Afghanistan may define its military usefulness in the war against terror.
<p>[To receive the full text of the article, please contact the <a href="http://www.usinfo.pl/forms/contact.htm">Warsaw Embassy AIRC</a>.]</p>]]></description>
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      <title>THE WIDENING GAP BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES AND EUROPE: DOES IT MATTER?  (Parameters, vol. 36, no. 3, Autumn 2006, pp. 67-84)</title>
      <pubDate>Wed, 27 Jun 2007 11:31:35 +0200</pubDate>
      <link>http://www.carlisle.army.mil/USAWC/Parameters/06autumn/coonen.htm</link>
      <author>Coonen, Stephen J.</author>
      <category>INTERNATIONAL SECURITY (IS)</category>
      <description><![CDATA[The author describes the widening military capabilities gap between the United States and Europe.  However, the gap should not prevent interoperability between the two forces.  For example, the U.S. could play a leading role during high-intensity warfare while the Europeans become more prominent in the post-conflict phase.  Americans and Europeans also perceive threats in the world today similarly.  The author, a lieutenant in the U.S. Army, concludes that, although a gap exists between U.S. and European military capabilities, this disparity may not be as significant as many have implied.]]></description>
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      <title>WORKING WITHOUT WIRES  (Governing, Vol. 20, No. 8, May 2007, pp. 28-34)</title>
      <pubDate>Wed, 27 Jun 2007 11:31:01 +0200</pubDate>
      <link>http://www.governing.com/articles/5wifi.htm</link>
      <author>Swope, Christopher</author>
      <category>GLOBAL ISSUES / INFORMATION AND COMMUNICATION (GIC)</category>
      <description><![CDATA[A number of cities in the U.S. are installing wireless broadband networks to provide free public access to the Internet.  While these projects are usually public-private partnerships and limited to selected public areas, the city of Corpus Christi, Texas took a different approach. This city of 282,000 installed its own WiFi network covering 147 square miles and found that most use was by city agencies, not residents or businesses.  The network provides high-speed data exchange between field employees, such as police, firefighters and building inspectors, and their offices, and allows real-time monitoring of public parks, city vehicles, and water and gas meters.  Other uses are under development. While Corpus Christi recently sold its network to a commercial company which will maintain and upgrade the system and charge a fee for access, other municipalities continue to watch and learn from the city’s experience with WiFi.  ]]></description>
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      <title>THE TRUTH ABOUT RECYCLING   (Economist, Vol. 383, No. 8532, June 9, 2007, p. 24)</title>
      <pubDate>Wed, 27 Jun 2007 11:30:29 +0200</pubDate>
      <category>GLOBAL ISSUES / INFORMATION AND COMMUNICATION (GIC)</category>
      <description><![CDATA[This article offers a global survey of the state of materials recycling, weighing the economics, the techniques and momentum of the practice.  There are several major concerns in the recycling industry -– first, local governments in the United States and Europe often find that recycling isn’t an economically viable practice because the costs of collecting, transporting, and sorting materials outweigh the market price.  Another concern is whether recycled materials are bought and used in another manufacturing process which turns out a product that will end up ultimately in a landfill anyway. In some cases, products headed for recycling are disassembled in ways that release harmful gases into the environment, or expose workers to toxins.  The most promising trend in the field is adoption of the “closed loop cycle” where materials and packaging are designed from the outset to create no waste, using materials that can be either recycled indefinitely or returned to the earth.  Major corporations such as Wal-Mart, Toyota, and Nike have set goals to reach the zero-waste target.  
<p>[To receive the full text of the article, please contact the <a href="http://www.usinfo.pl/forms/contact.htm">Warsaw Embassy AIRC</a>.]</p>]]></description>
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      <title>FATF SPECIAL RECOMMENDATIONS AND UN RESOLUTIONS ON THE FINANCING OF TERRORISM  (Journal of Financial Crime, vol. 14, no. 2, 2007, pp. 150-169)</title>
      <pubDate>Wed, 27 Jun 2007 11:29:41 +0200</pubDate>
      <author>Thony, Jean-Francois; Png, Cheong-Ann</author>
      <category>ECONOMIC SECURITY (ES)</category>
      <description><![CDATA[The authors use an IMF study to discuss the design of the new international legal framework for combating the finance of terrorism.  They report on the status of and obstacles to implementation of the Financial Action Task Force’s (FATF) Special Recommendations and UN Security Council Resolutions on the financing of terrorism.  They particularly focus on the areas which countries are having difficulties in complying fully with the requirements.  Notable unresolved obstacles include the difficulty of applying international law instruments to non-state actors, and the need for ensuring persons affected by these measures have adequate legal recourses.   Despite some countries’ slow progress in implementation, the authors say that some tangible results have been achieved -- not so much in terms of terrorist funds being confiscated, but with regard to the ability of terrorists and terrorist organizations to take advantage of the international financial system to channel funds for their operations.  The proof of this, they note, is in their increased use of traditional methods of cash-couriers to physically move funds across borders.
<p>[To receive the full text of the article, please contact the <a href="http://www.usinfo.pl/forms/contact.htm">Warsaw Embassy AIRC</a>.]</p>]]></description>
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      <title>FROM CREDIT TO CROPS  (Finance &amp; Development, vol. 44, no. 1, March 2007)</title>
      <pubDate>Wed, 27 Jun 2007 11:28:25 +0200</pubDate>
      <link>http://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/fandd/2007/03/claessen.htm</link>
      <author>Claessens, Stijn; Feijen, Erik</author>
      <category>ECONOMIC SECURITY (ES)</category>
      <description><![CDATA[The authors argue that more development of financial services can directly reduce world hunger by providing farmers in developing countries with the credit they need to buy such tools as tractors, fertilizers and livestock to increase agricultural production.  This, in turn, causes household incomes to rise and food prices to decrease, resulting in less undernourishment. They studied more than 50 developing countries between 1980 and 2003 to find relationships between financial development and investment in agricultural inputs, productivity and nutrition. They incorporated variables likely to affect those relationships, such as government expenditures as a percentage of gross national product, level of economic activity, inflation and the percentage of the population living in rural areas. They found that private credit and greater agricultural productivity are linked, as are credit and investment in the use of agricultural equipment.  The authors say commercial banks are achieving success in some poor countries, including the development of sustainable microcredit institutions, mobile phone banking, smart cards and the use of scoring to extend credit. Claessens is a research director at the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and Feijen in an economist with the World Bank.]]></description>
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      <title>AVOIDING THE EXPORT CRUSH  (Financial Times, June 13, 2007) </title>
      <pubDate>Wed, 27 Jun 2007 11:26:27 +0200</pubDate>
      <author>Beattie, Alan</author>
      <category>ECONOMIC SECURITY (ES)</category>
      <description><![CDATA[Financial Times writer Beattie reports that economies such as the Philippines, Indonesia, Brazil, and Egypt, having achieved some middle-income status through industrialization, now find expansion threatened by competition from China.  Low-wage China has started exporting more sophisticated manufactured goods. Business people in the Philippines and similar economies now have to spend more time figuring out the niche in the global economy where they have a relative advantage.  After letting low-cost factory jobs go to China, Hong Kong has developed its services sector and South Korea has turned to product development and design.  China's emergence has revived the debate about the value of industrial policy.  Opponents view businesses as best suited to seize niche market openings.  Even supporters recognize that traditional industrial policy -- tariffs on imports and subsidies to domestic producers -- is no longer adequate.
<p>[To receive the full text of the article, please contact the <a href="http://www.usinfo.pl/forms/contact.htm">Warsaw Embassy AIRC</a>.]</p>]]></description>
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      <title>PUBLIC PROCUREMENT: SPOTTING THE BRIBE  (OECD Observer, no. 260, March 2007, pp. 11-12)</title>
      <pubDate>Wed, 27 Jun 2007 11:25:27 +0200</pubDate>
      <link>http://www.oecdobserver.org/news/fullstory.php/aid/2170/Public_procurement:_Spotting_the_bribe.html</link>
      <category>ECONOMIC SECURITY (ES)</category>
      <description><![CDATA[Corruption –– particularly in highly competitive government contracting -- costs millions of dollars annually.  Government contracts also provide valuable, often long-term, business opportunities, so governments realize that strong anti-corruption measures are a sound investment.  This article uses the OECD’s Anti-Bribery Convention to examine the problem of corruption in public procurement.  Three primary actions to reduce bribery and corruption include clear rules backed by enforcement; development of judicial and technical expertise within procurement offices; and, buy-in and understanding of the consequences of bribery from all personnel involved in the procurement process.]]></description>
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      <title>THE CRITICAL BATTLES: POLITICAL RECONCILIATION AND RECONSTRUCTION IN IRAQ  (Washington Quarterly, vol. 30, no. 3, Summer 2007, pp. 7-19)</title>
      <pubDate>Wed, 27 Jun 2007 11:24:10 +0200</pubDate>
      <author>Pascual, Carlos; Pollack, Kenneth</author>
      <category>DEMOCRACY AND HUMAN RIGHTS (DHR)</category>
      <description><![CDATA[Pascual, vice president and director for the Foreign Policy Studies Program at the Brookings Institution and former coordinator for reconstruction and stabilization at the Department of State, and Pollack, director of research at the Saban Center for Middle East Policy at the Brookings Institution and former director for Persian Gulf affairs at the National Security Council, present their ideas for addressing the situation in Iraq, which they describe as a “monumental task.”  They believe it is vital that Iraq be recognized as a failed state and that Iran, Syria, Turkey, and neighboring Sunni states be involved. The best case would be for the surge to provide enough security to begin rebuilding Iraq’s political, economic, and social institutions and thus make way for the compromises necessary for a political settlement.  The authors also emphasize the need to take into account lessons learned about peacemaking and peacekeeping: 1) civil wars require political solutions, 2) the situation must be “ripe” for solutions, 3) a truce can buy time to build trust and allow for the possibility of finding a longer-term solution, 4) a solid security environment is necessary, 5) external forces and economic support will be needed for 8-10 years after a political settlement, and 6) the effort must be multilateral, preferably under a United Nations mandate.
<p>[To receive the full text of the article, please contact the <a href="http://www.usinfo.pl/forms/contact.htm">Warsaw Embassy AIRC</a>.]</p>]]></description>
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      <title>NON-DEMOCRATIC REVOLUTIONS AND ATTEMPTS AT STATE BREAKUP: IS THERE A CONNECTION?  (World Affairs, vol. 169, no. 3, Winter 2007, pp. 111-117)</title>
      <pubDate>Wed, 27 Jun 2007 11:22:36 +0200</pubDate>
      <author>Katz, Mark N.</author>
      <category>DEMOCRACY AND HUMAN RIGHTS (DHR)</category>
      <description><![CDATA[Katz, professor of government and politics at George Mason University, compares the experiences of Russia, Yugoslavia, Indonesia, and Iraq, and concludes that revolutions can prove to be a serious obstacle to democratization in states with regionally dominant minorities.  In each case, revolutionary movements that initially claimed democratic aspirations evolved into authoritarian regimes, alienating ethnic and religious communities and prompting repressive measures.  When political and economic conditions eventually force democratic reforms, these long-held resentments seem to metastasize into nationalist movements pursuing independence rather than trusting the regime’s second promise of democratization.  While the author dwells on the regions of Chechnya, Kosovo, Aceh, Papua, and Kurdistan, he also argues that the revolution-state breakup correlation may also have possible implications for the futures of China, Iran, and Sudan as well.
<p>[To receive the full text of the article, please contact the <a href="http://www.usinfo.pl/forms/contact.htm">Warsaw Embassy AIRC</a>.]</p>]]></description>
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      <title>PRODUCING TRUTH: THE POLITICS OF INVESTIGATING PAST HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS IN POST-COMMUNIST STATES  (World Affairs, vol. 169, no. 3, Winter 2007, pp. 125-133)</title>
      <pubDate>Wed, 27 Jun 2007 10:48:28 +0200</pubDate>
      <author>Grodsky, Brian</author>
      <comments>(World Affairs, vol. 169, no. 3, Winter 2007, pp. 125-133)</comments>
      <category>DEMOCRACY AND HUMAN RIGHTS (DHR)</category>
      <description><![CDATA[Using case studies from Poland, Serbia, and Uzbekistan, the author, professor of political science at the University of Maryland, illustrates how ruling elites use truth commissions to transform national identity by creating new “foundation myths” which, conveniently, rediscover history in ways that add to their own power.  In Poland, former Solidarity dissidents controlled the process, and faced opposition from Communists, who still held key ministries and a sizable parliamentary bloc.  Initially opposed, Serbia’s President Kostunica launched a process to placate The Hague, but controlled the process to gain favor with his political base.  Uzbekistan faced the curious position of investigating Soviet-era crimes, which were attributed to foreign occupation from Russia while actively committing new abuses of its own.  The author argues that the political processes at play warrant more academic study.
<p>[To receive the full text of the article, please contact the <a href="http://www.usinfo.pl/forms/contact.htm">Warsaw Embassy AIRC</a>.]</p>]]></description>
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      <title>DEMOCRACIES OF THE WORLD, UNITE  (American Interest, Vol. 2, No. 3, January/February 2007)</title>
      <pubDate>Wed, 27 Jun 2007 10:44:25 +0200</pubDate>
      <link>http://www.the-american-interest.com/ai2/article.cfm?Id=220&amp;MId=7</link>
      <author>Daalder, Ivo; Lindsay, James</author>
      <comments>(American Interest, Vol. 2, No. 3, January/February 2007)</comments>
      <category>DEMOCRACY AND HUMAN RIGHTS (DHR)</category>
      <description><![CDATA[The authors write that “the Bush revolution in foreign policy is over”; the U.S.’ unilateralist approach since Sept. 11 has alienated allies and greatly damaged our international standing. Daalder and Lindsay argue that traditional multilateralist approaches, such as working with traditionally close allies or with the U.N. or NATO, are “nineteenth- and twentieth-century policies for a twenty-first-century world” -- what they propose is a “Concert of Democracies”, that share common values and perspectives. Traditional concerts-of-great-powers have their limitations -- countries such as China and Russia have divergent interests and often refuse to cooperate, and demagogues such as Hugo Chavez and Mahmoud Ahmadinejad are greeted with resounding applause when railing against great-power dominance, because “many of their listeners resent being told what to do by a few powerful countries.” The United Nations’ “universality ... is its greatest curse -- it is beholden to its least cooperative members”. The world’s democracies, however, have a proven track record for cooperation, as well as the most capable militaries, the largest economies, and a shared commitment for the rule of law and good governance. The authors argue that the greatest source of legitimacy for such an alliance is that democracies recognize that international peace and justice are now based on protecting the rights of individuals; nation-state sovereignty can no longer be the sole principle of international politics. They describe at length how such an organization might be structured.
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